Health Education Research Advance Access published online on July 17, 2008
Health Education Research, doi:10.1093/her/cyn037
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There's alcohol in my soap: portrayal and effects of alcohol use in a popular television series
Institute for Behavioral Research, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands
Correspondence to: * Correspondence to: J. J. van Hoof, Department of Technical and Professional Communication, Faculty of Behavioral Sciences, University of Twente, PO Box 217, 7500 AE Enschede, The Netherlands. E-mail: j.j.vanhoof{at}utwente.nl
 |
Abstract |
|---|
 Top Abstract IntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
Two studies are reported addressing the media influences on adolescents’ alcohol-related attitudes and behaviours. A content analysis was conducted to investigate the prevalence of alcohol portrayal in a Dutch soap series. The coding scheme covered the alcohol consumption per soap character, drinking situations and drinking times. Inter-coder reliability was satisfactory. The results showed that alcohol portrayal was prominent and that many instances of alcohol use reflected undesirable behaviours. To assess the influence of such alcohol cues on adolescents, a 2 x 2 experiment was conducted focusing on the separate and combined effects of alcohol portrayal in the soap series and surrounding alcohol commercials. Whereas the alcohol commercials had the expected effects on adolescents’ attitudes, the alcohol-related soap content only appeared to have unexpected effects. Adolescents who were exposed to the alcohol portrayal in the soap series had a less positive attitude towards alcohol and lower drinking intentions. Implications of these findings for health policy and future research are discussed.
|
Introduction |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
Television has much impact on our daily life. Fictional television programmes can give viewers a skewed image of reality, despite their knowing that it is only fiction. People who often watch violent television series have stronger feelings of insecurity and are overly afraid of crime and serial killers [1]. Adolescents who see smokers in movies are more inclined to try cigarettes [2]. Teenagers consider entertainment media to be their most important source of information concerning sexuality [3]. Overviews of media effects on health-related behaviours of children and adolescents show that media exposure often has strong effects on attitudes and behaviours [4–6]. A theoretical underpinning is cultivation theory, which assumes that people use what they see on television to make inferences about everyday reality and eventually adopt certain behaviours [7]. The basic tenet of cultivation theory is that this reliance on television as a basis of social inferences may result in a biased world view. That is, a world view that reflects television’s portrayal of reality, rather than reality itself. In cultivation research, discrepancies between television and real-life data are assumed to indicate a biased television world, and significant correlations between indicators of this television world and audience beliefs and attitudes are assumed to indicate biasing effects of television content on people’s perceptions. In addition, the concept of modelling describes how such effects may occur, namely by imitating behaviours of role models on television [8, 9].
Given the potential risks of media exposure to problematic content, it seems important to monitor the health-related messages adolescents are exposed to in the media. This article focuses on alcohol portrayal on television. Research shows that alcohol advertisements may positively affect adolescents’ drinking intentions and behaviours [10, 11]. Besides ‘regular’ alcohol advertisements, however, adolescents may also be exposed to more implicit alcohol-related cues, in music videos [12], movies [13, 14] and television programmes like soaps [15–18]. There is reason to assume that these indirect cues may have stronger effects on audience perceptions and behaviour than commercial messages, whose persuasive intentions can be more easily inferred and resisted [19].
One of the ways to present alcohol-related cues in fictional programming is through product placement, which refers to a marketing strategy whereby actors more or less ostensibly use commercial products. In its most common form, product placement entails the promotion of brands, but product placement techniques can also be used to promote a product category or a specific class of behaviour. Star Trek, for instance, promoted safe sex without advertising for specific condom brands [20]. Furthermore, 85% of the movies portray smoking behaviour, of which only 28% refers to specific cigarette brands [21].
Many countries have issued regulations to limit the exposure of underage viewers to alcohol promotion. In The Netherlands, for instance, no alcohol commercials are allowed on channels aimed at young audiences. The regulations, however, mainly apply to explicit alcohol advertisements. There are fewer limitations for more implicit ways of portraying alcohol: it is not allowed to repeatedly show one particular alcohol brand in a programme, but there are no restrictions regarding alcohol or alcohol-related behaviours in general.
In this article, we will explore the effects of the exposure of adolescents to alcohol-related television content. In a first study, we analysed the alcohol portrayal in the most popular Dutch soap ("Goede Tijden, Slechte Tijden"). The show is broadcast 5 days a week on prime time (between 8.00 and 8.30 p.m.) and attracts 
1.7 million viewers daily, of whom >200 000 are 6- to 19-year olds. In a second study, we experimentally investigated the effects of alcohol cues on adolescents. Participants were exposed to alcohol-related soap content or not and to alcohol or non-alcohol advertisements in the surrounding commercial blocks to establish the combined and separate effects of direct and indirect alcohol messages.
|
Study 1: alcohol portrayal in the soap series |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
To investigate the role of alcohol in the soap series, we conducted a content analysis. Most of the available studies into alcohol portrayal in the media focused only on the prevalence of alcohol consumption [12–18] without systematically addressing the hedonic and social contexts in which it occurs. Like two earlier studies [22, 23], we tried to extend the existing research by examining the specific contexts of alcohol use.
Methods
We systematically analysed a random sample of 40 episodes, broadcast between 2 March and 26 April 2004. Each episode lasted 22 min (excluding commercial breaks).
Coding scheme
A coding scheme was developed, focusing on four aspects of alcohol portrayal: (i) amount of alcohol consumed, (ii) types of alcohol, (iii) time of day and (iv) drinking situations.
Regarding the amount of alcohol consumed, we recorded the drinking behaviour of the 20 protagonists in the series. Both visual and verbal cues were used as signs of alcohol consumption. Visual cues were scenes in which characters drank alcohol or had the apparent intention to drink. Verbal cues involved audible mentions of alcohol consumption (e.g. ordering a drink at the bar). This resulted in indications of the total amount of explicit alcohol consumption in the series and the alcohol-related behaviours of the protagonists.
The types of alcoholic beverage were recorded for all alcohol consumptions. Four categories were distinguished: (i) beer, (ii) wine (including port, sherry, vermouth, sake and champagne), (iii) distilled spirits (e.g. whisky or brandy) and (iv) mixed drinks and cocktails.
For the time of the day at which alcohol consumption took place, we distinguished (i) morning (between 6.00 a.m. and noon), (ii) afternoon (between noon and 5.00 p.m.), (iii) dinnertime (between 5.00 and 8.00 p.m.), (iv) evening/night (between 8.00 p.m. and 6.00 a.m.) and (v) unknown time.
Regarding the situations in which the soap characters consumed alcohol, we used five categories: (i) alcohol use in regular social settings (e.g. going to a bar); (ii) alcohol use in culinary situations (e.g. drinking wine during dinner); (iii) alcohol use to suppress problems, conflicts or fears; (iv) alcohol use immediately before or during work and (v) other situations. The first two categories refer to situations of alcohol use that are often deemed tolerable; the third and fourth categories correspond to generally acknowledged forms of alcohol misuse. We also recorded whether the negative consequences of (excessive) alcohol use were depicted (e.g. hangovers, sickness or addiction).
Procedure
After the coding scheme was developed, it was pre-tested and three coders were trained. To evaluate the coding scheme, 10% of the episodes were analysed by three coders. Inter-coder reliability ranged from 0.87 to 1.00 (Cohen’s kappa) and was considered satisfactory. The remaining episodes were analysed by the first author.
Results
Amount of alcohol consumed
Alcohol proved to be omnipresent in the series. In 98% of all broadcasts (39 of the 40 episodes), alcohol was consumed by at least one character. In total, 177 alcoholic consumptions were counted in the 40 episodes, amounting to 4.4 alcoholic drinks per episode (or one drink every 5 min). The 20 protagonists consumed on average 0.39 glasses of alcohol per episode (ranging from 0 to 1.2 drinks per episode). Only two of the characters never drank alcohol. The percentage of non-drinkers in the series (10%) is considerably lower than in the Dutch adult population (19.4%) [24].
Types of alcoholic beverages
Table I presents the types of alcoholic beverages consumed. Wine was by far the most popular drink, distilled spirits and beer trailed far behind and mixed drinks and cocktails were consumed least frequently. This pattern of alcohol consumption does not mirror the real pattern of alcohol consumption. Beer is the most popular alcoholic drink in The Netherlands (75%), and mixed drinks are increasingly popular, particularly among young people [25].
|
Time of the day
Almost half of the alcohol consumption took place in the evening or at night (Table I). About a quarter was at dinnertime. Almost 20% took place before 5.00 p.m.: 16% in the afternoon and 4% in the morning.
Situations of alcohol consumption
About half of the drinking situations in the series refer to normal, non-problematic alcohol-related behaviours (Table I). Characters consumed alcohol in regular social settings or in combination with a meal. Over 35% of the drinking situations, however, were generally acknowledged forms of alcohol misuse. Characters drank to suppress problems, conflicts or fears or used alcohol immediately before or during work. For example, a businessman drank a double brandy to drown his sorrows after noticing that an expensive painting had been stolen. Later, he poured another drink when watching a blackmail video. When romantic relationships ended, the characters involved often grabbed the bottle to ease their pain. Regarding alcohol use before or during work, a senior entrepreneur tended to drink wine while reading business reports or using the computer in her office, and a business deal was celebrated with champagne. Half of the protagonists consumed alcohol before or during work. This does not reflect reality: only 4% of the Dutch working population occasionally consumes alcohol before or during work [26]. No negative consequences (such as hangovers, sickness or addiction) or health-promoting messages occurred in the series.
|
Study 2: effects of alcohol product placement |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
To investigate the effects of alcohol-related cues on adolescent viewers, we conducted an experiment. In a 2 x 2 post-test design, adolescents were randomly assigned to four experimental conditions based on two treatments: a soap episode containing alcohol cues versus a non-alcoholic episode, surrounded by commercials for either alcoholic or non-alcoholic beverages. After exposure, participants had to fill out a questionnaire. Six weeks after the experiments, debriefing sessions were held to collect additional qualitative data.
Methods
Pilot study
Prior to the experiment, we held a focus group with 16 adolescents to pre-test the materials and generate relevant questionnaire items. Regarding the materials, the main issue was the percentage of alcohol-related scenes to be included in the alcoholic episode. It is generally assumed that at least 20–30% of the experimental cues must be prime items [27, 28]. As higher percentages of prime items may lead to stronger effects [27, 29, 30], an episode with 50% of alcohol-related cues was developed. After watching the experimental episode, participants filled out a questionnaire about the credibility of the episode and the purpose of the study. All participants considered the episode to be a normal version of the soap series and not one of them guessed that alcohol was the scope of the research.
To inventory salient opinions about alcohol, we asked the adolescents about the positive and negative aspects they associated with alcohol use. Participants had to mention positive and negative consequences of drinking and rank their relevance. Positive consequences were (i) drinking is enjoyable, (ii) it is social, (iii) it is relaxing, (iv) it makes you cheerful, (v) it feels good, (vi) it boosts your self-confidence and (vii) it makes you sociable. Negative consequences were (i) alcohol is bad for your brain, (ii) it makes you feel tired, (iii) it makes you lose control, (iv) it makes you sombre and (v) it breaks down your self-confidence. These attributes were used for the post-exposure questionnaire.
Materials
The materials for the four conditions were compiled from the episodes used in the content analysis. To do so, we selected suitable scenes from the original broadcasts and combined them to two plausible episodes. In the alcoholic soap episode, 50% of the scenes were alcohol related; in the non-alcoholic episode, none of the scenes contained alcohol-related cues. Since episodes usually consist of three or four different storylines, it was relatively easy to assemble the two episodes. We included four storylines per episode: two storylines differed on the variable of interest (alcohol versus non-alcohol) and two were the same in both versions. All selected scenes involved younger soap characters, so that both versions would be particularly appealing to an adolescent target audience. All selected scenes contained drinking in social settings. The editing resulted in two episodes of about the same length as a real episode (22 min).
To also investigate the effects of alcohol commercials, the episodes were embedded in two commercial blocks, one before and one after the episode. Each block consisted of six commercials, three of which differed (alcohol versus lemonade commercials). The six alcohol commercials advertised beer, spirits and mixed drinks (two for each type of drink). All commercials focused on young consumers. The alcohol and lemonade commercials had the same length.
Sample
Participants were recruited in a secondary school in the eastern part of The Netherlands. The school’s headmaster helped us select 12 groups of pupils (three times four groups matched on similar study tracks and years). Two hundred and forty-eight pupils were randomly assigned to the four conditions. The participants ranged in age from 12 to 18 (mean 14.9). The male:female ratio was 40:60. The four conditions, each containing 61–63 pupils, were similar regarding age, study track and gender. After eliminating incomplete forms and extreme outliers (using standardized residuals), 223 questionnaires were usable for further analysis.
Post-exposure questionnaire
The questionnaire focused on three types of effects: (i) supraliminal alcohol priming, (ii) perceived consequences of alcohol use and (iii) drinking intentions. To investigate supraliminal alcohol priming effects, we used a word completion task [31]. Participants had to complete a list of words of which only the first two or three letters were given (e.g. al ..., bee ... and spi ...). The underlying assumption is that exposure to alcohol cues may lead to a larger proportion of completed words referring to alcohol (e.g. ‘alcohol’, ‘beer’ and ‘spirits’ versus ‘alarm’, ‘beef’ and ‘spider’). To ensure that the word completion task would not reveal our research interest, we only used letter combinations that could be completed in at least 10 different ways and we complemented the 6 target words with 12 other words, which could not be associated with alcohol.
The perceived consequences of alcohol use were measured with a set of 11 items based on the pilot study and the literature (the two items about self-confidence were combined). The questions were asked using five-point Likert scales. To hide our research interest, the questionnaire also contained questions on general consumption patterns and lifestyle (e.g. eating habits and sports). The six positive and five (recoded) negative items about the consequences of alcohol use formed a reliable scale (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.81). The perceived consequences measured by this scale appeared to correlate significantly with participants’ behavioural intentions regarding the amount of alcohol they would consume in the next weekend (r = 0.56, P < 0.001).
Alcohol consumption intentions were measured in two ways. Immediately after the word completion task, participants were asked what kind of beverage they would like to consume; they could choose from a list of 5 alcoholic and 10 non-alcoholic beverages (immediate intention). To conceal the research purpose, they also had to choose a favourite snack. It was clear to the participants that this task was fictitious: we did not give them drinks or snacks. At the end of the questionnaire, the participants were asked to estimate how many glasses of alcohol they would consume in the next weekend (postponed intention). Again, other lifestyle-related questions were asked as well (e.g. sporting hours and fruit consumption).
Procedure
Participants watched the soap episode and commercials in groups of 20. After exposure, they had to individually complete the questionnaire. All sessions took place in school, between 11.00 a.m. and 3.00 p.m. The scope of the research remained undisclosed until the end of all experimental sessions.
Debriefing sessions
Six weeks after the research, 10 debriefing focus group sessions were organized. These sessions were held (i) to check whether or not participants had guessed the research topic (in none of the 10 sessions, participants mentioned alcohol content as possible research topic), (ii) to present the main outcomes of the research and (iii) to further explore some of the results. All participants attended one of the debriefing sessions.
Results
The main results are presented in Table II. The word completion task, the perceived consequences and the postponed intentions were analysed using analysis of variance, with the two experimental conditions as independent variables and the participants’ gender as an additional independent variable. The participants’ age group was used as a covariate. The immediate intentions were analysed with a chi-square test.
|
Concerning the word completion task, no significant differences were found due to alcohol exposure, both in the soap episode and in the commercial blocks. On average, only 25% of the six target words referred to alcohol, irrespective of the experimental condition. There was only a significant difference between the genders: female participants referred more to alcohol than male participants [F(1214) = 7.260, P < 0.01].
Regarding the perceived consequences of alcohol use, significant differences were found between the two soap versions [F(1214) = 4.812, P < 0.05] and between the two sets of commercial blocks [F(1214) = 5.224, P < 0.05]. As expected, participants who were exposed to alcohol commercials had more positive scores on the perceived consequences scale than participants who watched non-alcoholic commercials. The alcohol portrayal in the soap episode, however, appeared to have a negative effect on the perceived consequences of alcohol use: participants who watched the alcoholic soap episode judged less positively about the consequences of alcohol use than participants in the non-alcoholic soap condition. There was also a significant difference between the genders: male participants were more positive about alcohol than female participants [F(1214) = 6.218, P < 0.05]. No interaction effects were found.
Participants’ immediate alcohol consumption intentions did not differ significantly due to their exposure to alcohol-related cues. Given the fact that one-third of the alternatives offered were alcoholic beverages, the percentage of participants choosing alcohol was rather low (9–16%), which may be due to the time and context of the sessions (at daytime and in a school setting).
Regarding participants’ postponed alcohol consumption intentions, we did find one significant difference which reinforces our findings on the perceived consequences. Exposure to alcohol portrayal in the soap episode resulted in significantly lower drinking intentions [F(1214) = 17.250, P < 0.001]. There was an interaction effect with gender: the effect of the soap series only occurred among male participants [F(1214) = 10.112, P < 0.005], who generally intended to drink considerably more alcohol than female participants [F(1214) = 59.987, P < 0.001]. The alcoholic soap content only seemed to reduce the drinking intentions of participants who intended to consume a lot of alcohol. Exposure to the alcohol commercials did not have a significant effect on the participants’ behavioural intentions.
In the focus group debriefing sessions, we further explored the difference in effects between alcohol commercials and alcohol portrayal in the soap series. Participants generally concurred with the finding that alcohol commercials positively affected their attitudes towards alcohol, explaining that the alcohol commercials triggered their attention to alcohol and made drinks more appealing. Although it is not allowed in The Netherlands to aim alcohol commercials at young audiences, the commercials did have a positive effect on adolescents. Participants mentioned two possible explanations for the unexpected finding that the alcoholic soap episode had negative effects on their attitude towards alcohol and drinking intentions. First, they found it hard to fully identify with the characters drinking in the episode. This is partly due to an age difference; although we only included younger soap characters, there was still an age difference with the adolescents. It also had to do with the personality of the characters, whom they characterized as ‘bullies’ or ‘jerks’. Second, the alcohol scenes in the episode were considered to be exaggerated and also focused their attention on the annoying behaviour of drinking characters, rather than on the alcohol consumption per se.
|
General discussion |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
Earlier research has shown that the media may have significant influence on the attitudes, intentions and behaviour of adolescents. Television soap series, in particular, have several ingredients that may strongly affect their audience’s opinion: viewers are absorbed in the series’ reality, characters become imaginary friends who undergo many emotional experiences and viewers are expected to expose themselves to the series on a daily basis.
The results of our studies confirm the effects of television programming on adolescents. However, these effects appear to be unpredictable and strongly related to the exact content of the primes offered. The alcohol commercials worked largely as expected, but it appears to be considerably harder to predict the effects of alcohol portrayal in the soap series. Despite the soap series’ appeal to adolescents and our attempts to select appealing alcohol-related scenes, participants reacted negatively to the alcohol-related soap content. Exposure to alcohol cues in the soap series had negative effects on the participants’ attitudes and behavioural intentions. In the debriefing sessions, we found that the level of identification with the characters and the specific drinking situations may be crucial variables.
The results problematize the relationship between media portrayal of alcohol (and other risk behaviours) and the attitudes and behaviours of (adolescent) viewers. Our content analysis underlines the importance of more in-depth investigations of the way alcohol is portrayed on television. Many earlier studies have focused primarily on the intensity of alcohol portrayal in television programmes [15–18], implicitly assuming a positive relationship between exposure and attitudes or behaviours. In addition to the amount of alcohol consumption portrayed, it seems important to investigate the ‘lessons’ adolescents may learn from the specific ways in which alcohol is portrayed.
From the theoretical perspective of cultivation, which assumes that viewers’ image of reality may be skewed by the things they see on television, it must be noted that the soap series exaggerate the prevalence of alcohol in daily life. Of course, the mean number of glasses explicitly consumed per character (0.39 per episode) is lower than most statistics on daily alcohol consumption, but these consumptions take place in only 22 min. Another indication of the prominence of alcohol is that only 10% of the main characters were non-drinkers, which is half of the actual percentage of non-drinkers in The Netherlands. In all, cultivation theory predicts that adolescent viewers will learn from the series that alcohol consumption is a normal and almost necessary part of people’s daily life.
From the perspective of modelling, which assumes that viewers imitate the behaviour of important characters, the portrayal of times of drinking and drinking situations must be labelled as potential risk factors. Adolescents may get the impression that alcohol consumption in the morning and early afternoon is a normal thing to do. They may also learn that drinking is a normal reaction to problems, it may help to drown or solve them, excessive alcohol use is a valid excuse for irresponsible behaviour and it is possible to drink before or during working hours without malfunctioning. Not only are the main characters frequently involved in such problematic alcohol-related situations but the series also fails to portray the negative consequences of such behaviour.
Our experimental results further complicate the assumed relationship between alcohol exposure and viewers’ attitudes and behaviour based on the theoretical notions of cultivation and modelling. The results of the experiment did not straightforwardly confirm any cultivation or modelling effects. Instead, messages may be interpreted in different ways, depending on the characteristics of scenes and actors [32, 33]. The advertisements used were all positive by nature (attention, interest and excitement) and univocally interpreted that way. The scenes in the soap series were selected to represent positive scenes depicting young characters drinking alcohol in social settings, but were predominantly interpreted rather negatively. More research is needed into the way adolescent viewers interpret the messages contained in television programmes. Our debriefing sessions suggest that identification may be a crucial variable in need of more systematic exploration. To estimate the attitudinal and behavioural effects of the media, it is important to understand how identification moderates or mediates the effects of positive and negative media portrayal and to consider the factors that facilitate or impede viewers’ identification with characters and scenes. These issues are not only important for predicting adolescents’ risk behaviours due to media exposure but also to help design entertainment–education programmes which are increasingly used to promote a healthy lifestyle among adolescents [34, 35].
It is important to realize that our experiment is limited to the immediate effects of a single exposure to alcohol cues. In real life, such effects will probably diminish over time. On the other hand, our study did not address the cumulative effects of repeated exposure to alcohol-related content in the series. Soap viewers may be receptive to such cumulative effects as they watch episodes on a daily basis and strongly empathize with the characters. Another limitation is that the exposure to the soap series and commercials was not ecologically valid: the viewing situation in our study differed from a normal home situation and not all participants were necessarily interested in this particular soap. Moreover, our participants did not represent the entire adolescent viewing population of the soap series either as they all lived in the eastern part of The Netherlands. Finally, it is important to realize that we did not collect baseline data about alcohol-related attitudes and intentions and that we did not include actual behaviours in this study. It would be interesting to see whether the findings of our study also apply to more natural viewing situations and to viewers’ actual behaviours.
|
Conflict of interest statement |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
None declared.
|
References |
|---|
|
TopAbstractIntroductionStudy 1: alcohol portrayal...Study 2: effects of...General discussionConflict of interest statementReferences |
|---|
1. Busselle RW. Television exposure, perceived realism, and exemplar accessibility in the social judgment process. Media Psychol (2001) 3:43–67.[CrossRef]
2. Sargent JD, Beach ML, Dalton MA, et al. Effect of seeing tobacco use in films on trying smoking among adolescents: cross sectional study. Br Med J (2001) 323:1394–7.
3. Kaiser Family Foundation and Children Now. Talking with Kids about Tough Issues: A National Survey (1997) Palo Alto, CA: Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.
4. Bar-on ME. The effects of television on child health: implications and recommendations. Arch Dis Child (2000) 83:289–92.
5. Brown JD, Witherspoon EM. The mass media and American adolescents’ health. J Adolesc Health (2002) 31:153–70.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
6. Villani S. Impact of media on children and adolescents: a 10-year review of the research. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry (2001) 40:392–401.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
7. Gerbner G, Gross L, Morgan M, et al. Living with television: the dynamics of the cultivation process. In: Perspectives on Media Effects—Bryant J, Zillman D, eds. (1986) Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. 17–40.
8. Grube JW, Waiters E. Alcohol in the media: content and effects on drinking beliefs and behaviors among youth. Adolesc Med Clin (2005) 16:327–43.[CrossRef][Medline]
9. Singer DG. Alcohol, television, and teenagers. Pediatrics (1985) 76:668–74.
10. Atkin C, Hocking J, Block M. Teenage drinking: does advertising make a difference? J Commun (1984) 34:157–67.[Web of Science]
11. Wyllie A, Zhang JF, Casswell S. Responses to televised alcohol advertisements associated with drinking behaviour of 10-17-year-olds. Addiction (1998) 93:361–71.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
12. Gruber EL, Thau HM, Hill DL, et al. Alcohol, tobacco and illicit substances in music videos: a content analysis of prevalence and genre. J Adolesc Health (2005) 37:81–3.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
13. Everett SA, Schnuth RL, Tribble JL. Tobacco and alcohol use in top-grossing American films. J Community Health (1998) 23:317–24.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
14. Thompson KM, Yokota F. Depiction of alcohol, tobacco, and other substances in G-rated animated feature films. Pediatrics (2001) 107:1369–74.
15. Furnham A, Ingle H, Gunter B, et al. A content analysis of alcohol portrayal and drinking in British television soap operas. Health Educ Res (1997) 12:519–29.
16. Long JA, O'Connor PG, Gerbner G, et al. Use of alcohol, illicit drugs, and tobacco among characters on prime-time television. Subst Abus (2002) 23:95–103.[CrossRef][Medline]
17. Mathios A, Avery R, Bisogni C, et al. Alcohol portrayal on prime-time television: manifest and latent messages. J Stud Alcohol (1998) 59:305–10.[Web of Science][Medline]
18. Wallack L, Grube JW, Madden PA, et al. Portrayals of alcohol on prime-time television. J Stud Alcohol (1990) 51:428–37.[Web of Science][Medline]
19. Signorielli N. Television and health: images and impact. In: Mass Communication and Public Health: Complexities and Conflicts—Atkin C, Wallack L, eds. (1990) Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
20. Tannen T. Media giant and foundation team up to fight HIV/AIDS. Lancet (2003) 361:1440–1.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
21. Sargent JD, Tickle JJ, Beach ML, et al. Brand appearances in contemporary cinema films and contribution to global marketing of cigarettes. Lancet (2001) 357:29–32.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
22. Christenson PG, Henriksen L, Roberts DF. Substance Use in Popular Prime Time Television (2000) Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy/Mediascope.
23. Hansen A. The Portrayal of Alcohol and Alcohol Consumption in Television News and Drama Programmes. A Research Report for Alcohol Concern (2003) Leicester, UK: University of Leicester, Centre for Mass Communication Research.
24. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek [Statistics Netherlands]. Reported Health and Lifestyle. Available at: http://statline.cbs.nl. Accessed: 5 January 2006.
25. Commission for Distilled Spirits. World Drink Trends 2005 Edition (2005) Henley-on-Thames, UK: World Advertising Research Center Ltd.
26. Schutten M, Van den Eijnden JJM, Knibbe RA. Alcohol en Werk. Een Onderzoek naar Alcoholgebruik onder de Werkende Beroepsbevolking (2003) Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Instituut voor Onderzoek naar Leefwijzen & Verslaving (IVO). [Alcohol and Work. A Study into Alcohol Use among the Working Population].
27. Scrull TK, Wyer RS. The role of category accessibility in the interaction of information about persons: some determinants and implications. J Pers Soc Psychol (1979) 37:1660–72.[CrossRef][Web of Science]
28. Chaiken S, Bargh JA. Occurrence versus moderation of the automatic attitude activation effect: reply to Fazio. J Pers Soc Psychol (1993) 64:759–65.[CrossRef][Web of Science]
29. Bargh JA, Chen M, Burrows L. Automaticity of social behavior: direct effects of trait construct and stereotype activation on action. J Pers Soc Psychol (1996) 71:230–44.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
30. Wyer RS, Scrull TK. Category accessibility: some theoretical and empirical issues concerning the processing of social stimulus information. In: Social Cognition: the Ontario Symposium—Higgins ET, Herman CP, Zanna MP, eds. (1981) Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 227–300.
31. Krishnan HS, Chakravarti D. Memory measures for pretesting advertisements: an integrative conceptual framework and a diagnostic template. J Consum Psychol (1999) 8:1–37.[CrossRef]
32. Borzekowski DLG. Embedded anti-alcohol messages on commercial television: what teenagers perceive. J Adolesc Health (1996) 19:345–52.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
33. Borzekowski DLG, Poussaint AF. Public service announcement perceptions. A quantitative examination of anti-violence messages. Am J Prev Med (1999) 17:181–8.[CrossRef][Web of Science][Medline]
34. Slater MD, Rouner D. Entertainment-education and elaboration likelihood: understanding the processing of narrative persuasion. Commun Theory (2002) 12:173–91.[Web of Science]
35. Sood S. Audience involvement and entertainment-education. Commun Theory (2002) 12:153–72.[Web of Science]
Received on March 8, 2007; accepted on June 9, 2008
CiteULike 
Connotea 
Del.icio.us What's this?
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||